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So the news comes in, and it is news of a revolt by, for all intents and purposes, London’s young blacks, increasingly copied elsewhere. But a revolt against what? Certainly elements of the left are trying to make capital out of “government cuts”. “Disaffection” and the misery of unemployment are also being dusted off and lovingly presented as cause just. But it is already clear that the anti-white ramp that was constructed out of the black riots of a generation ago, and which resulted in the invention of “institutional racism”, will not be entertained this time round. These riots are too plainly organised. The motive of the rioters is too obviously to loot and burn. No one is going to experience the exquisite agonies of liberal guilt on behalf of a mistreated looter or disaffected arsonist. “Sorry, young man, there is such a thing as responsibility, and it isn’t as though government hasn’t made huge efforts over the last two and half-decades to help you succeed!” So what, overall, can we expect when the Met’s report is in, the Home Office committee has investigated, the media vented, the mayor of London bloviated, the cabinet sat, and the Home Secretary stood up in the House to present “the answer”? Here are my predictions. 1. The young black male is not going to be excused this time. He has delivered himself of a direct and violent challenge to the social order - an insult which is authentically black and belongs to him, and has no provenance outside of the narrow and low space between his ears. He has made a world of violence and chaos for himself, in which his male dominance strategies can be liberally exercised. That is the sum total of his civilisational worth, and it is not going to be easy for any thoughtful government minister to continue to delude himself that but for a bit more educational expenditure, better role models, more mentoring, sport facilities and youth clubs, and fathers at home, there walks a white boy. There doesn’t. The truth of black sociobiology is knocking loudly on the door. It might not be opened this time round. But opening it is the only option in the longer run. 2. The race industry’s funding will be cut, its leadership changed, its role redefined. It will die by neglect, being officially done away with, probably, by the end of the next parliament. As it happens, today Civitas released a press release on its review of smooth Trevor Philips’ Equality and Human Rights Commission. The review is titled Small Corroding Words, but the events in London and up and down the country will likely prove much more corrosive for Philips (and John Wadham, the legal persecutor of the BNP). That said, the review is extremely timely, seemingly damning, and certain to be well read in Conservative Party circles. 3. The educational Establishment and the Marxian left generally will cop the official blame for its shameless failure to confront gang culture, and for having turned the police into social workers horrified by the possibility of being called racists. How much this will translate into real change, I’m not certain. But it marks the end of Marx in educational thinking. Furthermore ... 4. That way the black “community” will be spared the most searching questions, at least today. It will, however, be required to question its commitment to the social order in much the same way that Moslems have been required post-7/7 to “reject extremism” and become that mythical thing, a “moderate Moslem”. Black politicians - all four of them - will learn the required new, reassuring words, and the media will afford them much opportunity to repeat them. Nothing, of course, will change as a result. 5. The Labour Party will be forced to recognise the horribly non-Marxist drift in respect to the old blame culture, and shift itself towards the new centre. This is probably the major, long-term political effect of what we are seeing. Again, I don’t know how far it will go. But it is very positive - if it happens. 6. Griffin’s BNP will continue to offer the white working-class what it has offered them in the past, entirely missing the sea-change in attitude to the black population that now obtains, as a result of these latest events. Eventually, nationalism will find a way to rid itself of its dog in the manger, and then we might see what a political crow-bar wedged into the new fissure can achieve.
So says the BNP website, following a very slow re-count at the close of leadership election. Nick Griffin seems unabashed by the narrowness of his win, saying:
But this follows a long period of internecene warfare in the party, during which the bulk of the activist base left in disgust or was suspended or expelled, and election results and the membership roll crashed. Griffin’s surprisingly thin majority was delivered by means of the expulsions, and his victory is hollow. The question which hangs over proceedings now is whether the reform group will accept the result. That seems improbable. The reformers have fought too long and too hard for the party, and for the people in whose interests it makes politics, to stand back and watch it die now. Grounds for a legal challenge will surely be examined, and if they are there a petition to annul the result and order a re-election will surely be made. The alternative is for the establishment of a new nationalist party. Andrew Brons took the precaution of registering the name British Democratic Party with the electoral commission, in the event that the BNP is pursued by its debtors into liquidation. A baggage-free party has some appeal, clearly. But it would still take the dissolution of the BNP for any new party to enjoy a free run at the loyal English electorate.
From a comment by the redoubtable Papa Luigi on the BNP section of British Democracy Forums. The subject: yesterday’s General Members Meeting (also a Founding Members Meeting) of the British National Party held in Liverpool. The meeting was a confrontation of “the big beasts” of the BNP and proceeded as follows: Arthur Kemp fired the opening salvos as the meeting started, asserting that there had been no consultation process with the members regarding the constitutional reforms agreed at the last party conference and that the premise for the GMM was therefore invalid and unconstitutional. He asserted further that the motions put forward were substantially different to those agreed at the party conference and that Nick Griffin had broken his promise to the members. Geoff Dickens then informed the meeting that under the current BNP constitution, Nick Griffin has the power to make unilateral changes without reference to anyone else and that therefore, irrespective of the rights or wrongs of Arthur’s assertions, the meeting was constitutional and would proceed as planned. In the voting that followed, the members present at the meeting, who represented the hard core of the party’s activists from across the country, were split roughly 60:40, with the majority in opposition to the motions proposed by Nick Griffin. The 200 activists present were however, dismayed to find that the proxy voting system introduced by Nick Griffin as a new and novel feature to BNP meetings gave Nick Griffin a block vote of 500+ votes that he proceeded to use to negate the majority against him at the meeting. Despite this, the reformers continued to argue their case, with significant contributions to the debates by Arthur Kemp and the other ‘big beasts’ of the BNP; Andrew Brons; Richard Edmonds; John Walker; and Kevin Scott, all of whom voiced opposition to the constitutional validity of the meeting and the motions proposed. Speaking in favour of the motions were Clive Jefferson, Adam Walker and some other of the ‘novice’ Regional Organisers, appointed recently by Nick Griffin after high profile sackings during the recent ructions within the party.
Less than three years after the bail out of Scotland’s banks was supposed to have killed talk of withdrawal from the Union, Alex Salmond was able to inform the British public yesterday that during the next Holyrood parliament a referendum on independence will be put before Scots voters. The future of the Union, of all the Westminster parties, and of political nationalism in England now all rest with a few million Scottish votes. Salmond, as the big winner of Thursday’s varied election cycle, now has sixty-eight of his colleagues sitting at Holyrood - a feat which was supposed to have been impossible under the complex voting procedure established for the Scottish parliament. It has also been thought impossible for the SNP to convince Scots to vote for independence - the polls show a consistent two thirds against. But the media are treating a shift towards independence of under twenty points over the next four years as being distinctly possible, given that Salmond is now a veritable colossus in a country of political pygmies. How the fortunes of civic nationalism in Scotland contrast with those of ethno-nationalism in the rest of the country. The Griffin Party has won two council seats and lost all its others where elections were held. The repeated plaint on the nationalist internet is that the movement is back to where it was before Griffin’s successful leadership bid in 1999. But with reported debts of over £500,000, mass departure of the (relatively) able, and a nose-diving membership, it’s a lot worse than that. It ought to be the end of Griffin and his clique. But it appears that the party must completely wither and die before that happens. Meanwhile, the English, obviously, voted Labour and Tory as stubbornly as ever - the latter in somewhat surprisingly firm numbers. UKIP had a bad election night, not even managing to benefit much from disaffected BNP voters, never mind Tories. Polarity is returning to the English voting pattern if not to the politics. Taken with the 69% “No” vote in the AV referendum it amounts to a powerful rejection of centrism. It is inevitable that Tory and Labour strategists will identify this factor and endeavour to spin their way towards it. But real diversification is impossible in an age when the right must support neo-Marxist social policies and the left neoliberal economic ones. Only nationalism opposes both, of course. But its electoral flame was extinguished on Thursday, and though there are efforts to keep it alive via the civicist English Democrats, the culturalist British Freedom Party, the tiny and extremely nascent, ethno-nationalist English People’s Party, and the white nationalist National Front, I for one do not believe they can succeed. I see the only hope in a sudden and saving, last-minute purification of the BNP brand. I just don’t know what more can be done to force Griffin out of the party before it finally hits the wall.
As nationalism is rising across continental Europe it is in meltdown in Britain thanks to a long litany of disastrous management errors and political and legal misjudgements by Nick Griffin. Below the fold is a news piece that appeared on the Guardian site this morning. It is written by Matthew Taylor, who has form, and quotes the usual hostile sources. But it has no need of mischaracterisation. It can and does fairly and accurately describe the crisis in political nationalism in Britain. There is no doubt about where our only viable political brand is heading. And there is no silver lining to this political tragedy. The Reform 2011 initiative is in limbo. Eddy Butler, among others, is now a civic nationalist at the English Democrats. Lee’s British Freedom Party appears not to have made it to the start line. Only the National Front has stuck to the racial nationalist faith, even while that faith has been declared illegal as a result of Griffin’s defiance of the EHRC last year. In fact, so keen on racial nationalism is the present generation of NF folk, they call themselves a White Nationalist party. The gainer in all this has been UKIP, a party which takes anti-nationalism to the extreme of anti-racism. It is very likely to score a significant victory in next month’s local authority elections, and may now have the kind of momentum and financial backing that will facilitate a serious General Election campaign two years from now. Where the BNP will be in two years’ time doesn’t bear thinking about. Griffin said at one point that he will stand down in 2013. He may not get the chance if the current legal actions against the party and its officers for recovery of commercial debt succeed.
by David Hamilton A totalitarian method used by the British state is infiltrating state agents into legitimate and rival political parties to discredit and destabilise them and keep the Global elites in power. The Express newspaper of 18th February 1999 revealed that the Security Services were going to infiltrate:
Since Griffin became leader in 1999 the BNP has been contained when it was riding a wave and now is being destabilised. The tide turned for the BNP in 2001, due to media promotion and hard work of organisers in Oldham and Burnley. Two areas Griffin has destroyed. Griffin and others contained that growth by quickly undermining branches in areas that growth had taken place in by sacking organisers where it did. East London was the first, followed by Oldham and Burnley later Bradford and Birmingham. The BNP’s peak was contained and undermined by state ops working within. Around that time previous BNP leader John Tyndall was suspicious of Griffin:
THE Scottish National Party was spied on by British secret service agents, previously classified Government files seen by Scotland on Sunday have finally proved:
So John Wadham’s attempt to have Nick Griffin, Simon Darby and Tanya Lumby found in contempt of court for failing to comply with the county court judgement against the BNP has failed. Well over a year of legal battle - in the event, entirely unnecessary legal battle - is over. The BNP under Griffin emerges as a cultural nationalist party with a mountainous debt and ravaged activist base, the better part of which quit to join the now rudderless Reform Group and Lee Barnes’ probably still-born British Freedom Party (Lee?). The blood-letting in the movement won’t be ended by this judgement. On the contrary, the reformers won’t expect Griffin to accept them back in the fold - how many would go? They won’t give up, so they must now play the long game. It’s all quite astonishing only eighteen months after the heady days of the European Parliament Elections in early June 2009. May’s general election and the humilation in Barking has been followed by some miserable local election results. And that’s where candidates could be found to stand. Amid the ruins Griffin speaks of rebuilding. But there has to be a strong likelihood that party prospects will not improve until he finally steps aside, supposedly in 2013, though nobody really believes that. Looking ahead, now that racial or ethno-nationalism has been placed outside the law, the party seems likely to move further in the direction of culturism. Politicians, even those whose hearts are with their people, want to be relevant. They will look at the success of Geert Wilders today. Well, what’s the point of loyalty to racial nationalism, they will say, if the voter won’t buy it? The radical thinker will respond that metapolitics, not accomodationism, makes possible revolutionary parties and political careers. The lack of a metapolitical reservoir is the most fundamental of all the reasons the BNP cannot progress. Yes, Wilders makes electoral progress. But he draws from liberalism. He has no interest in real systemic change. What, then, is the historical purpose of the BNP? Where is its soul? In winning elections. In operating within the law. In culturism, will increasingly be the reply. History will look after itself. The cultural answer will leave the movement having to create other, non-political vehicles for espousal of racial nationalist values and ideas. The argument for English survival will fall to new players. It won’t take long, believe me.
I thought I might draw your attention to a BBC News 24 interview in which the interviewer Ben Brown did an exceptional job of accusing a man with cerebral palsy of bringing upon himself the violence he suffered from riot police at last weekend’s anarcho-student rumpus in London. These are the choice cuts:
As an encapsulation of the moral superiority of the victim, this small event takes some beating. Not that the Metropolitan Police are shy about beating anything once they savour the Big-Me moment in the helmet, the riot shield and the stab-proof, fire-proof, thought-proof uniform. Nonetheless, it is the little man in the wheelchair who is going to be the nation’s hero. The government, the Establishment really, has already lost this battle ... not for the chance to confiscate a greater and greater share of our dwindling cash and throw it at the banks and the bond market, but for the consent of the people. Nationalists need to sit up and pay attention right now. The moment to develop a critique of debt and fractional reserve banking - something missing from political nationalism in Britain for many years - is here. The electoral reward for getting it right will be vast. But as yet there is no sign of Griffin realising this screamingly obvious fact.
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